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Book
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Helping Others, Helping Ourselves: Power,
Giving and Community Identity in Cleveland, Ohio, 1880-1930. By
Laura Tuennerman-Kaplan. (Kent: Kent State University Press, 2001.
222 pp. Paper, $29.00, ISBN 0-87338-711-2.)
Until the New Deal era, much social support in
the U.S. came through private philanthropy. In considering the means
and ends of such private philanthropy, historians have explored
"top-down" philanthropy whereby wealthy Americans gave
funds and endowed non-profit organizations to shape society in
particular ways. When Andrew Carnegie, for example, chose to finance
public libraries he was not merely expressing a benign belief in the
power of reading. He gave his money to support his idea that the
less fortunate should not be provided direct aid, but rather given
the indirect means by which they could choose to help themselves.
For Carnegie and other wealthy philanthropists, thus, giving was a
way to control other groups in the U.S.
In Helping Others, Helping Ourselves,
Laura Tuennerman-Kaplan has written a social analysis of
philanthropy that moves beyond this top-down approach by shifting
from philanthropy of the wealthy to that of more
"ordinary" people in Cleveland and asking how and why they
chose to give to others within their community. She admits that such
philanthropy too was an exercise in power, but insists that the
"giving" of more ordinary people was rooted in their sense
of belonging to Cleveland and that patterns of giving reveal "a
social relation, one that both reflected and shaped society"
(150). In her Introduction and Chapter 1, Tuennerman-Kaplan explains
that her "bottom-up" investigation of Cleveland's giving
patterns will illustrate philanthropy as "an embedded social
relation" that exposes "networks of givers and
receivers" who were "working in interrelated ways to
provide the goods and services necessary in life" within the
city (23). Her next three chapters trace out these ideas by
presenting a broad overview of giving in Cleveland from early
charitable endeavors to the more systematic, progressive-era models
of philanthropy. Chapter 2 examines the pre- to immediate post-Civil
War efforts that were primarily voluntaristic, generally motivated
by religion, and practiced heavily by women. Private welfare
institutions such as the Protestant Orphan Asylum and St. Mary's and
St. Vincent's Orphan Asylums, for example, were permanent
representations of such efforts. Chapter 3 explores the historical
shift from voluntarism to the more centralized activities that
characterized the Progressive Era when elite families such as the
Rockefellers endowed charitable foundations; and organizations such
as the City Federation of Women's Clubs (1902) were founded to
"coordinate the educational, civic, and welfare activities of
women's clubs throughout the city" (47). Both kinds of
activities, she argues, were distinct from earlier giving efforts,
and both represented attempts of an expanding socio-economic elite
to control and order the city to suit their values as new immigrants
poured into it (51). Chapter 4, on the other hand, shows how
ethnicity, gender, and religious orientation caused other
Clevelanders simultaneously to found an array of church societies,
fraternal orders, and self-improvement clubs. The money and time
members gave to these organizations were, in the author's analysis,
a means to build community networks, "to create and maintain
social relationships" that would in turn reinforce
"specific community identities based on class, gender, race,
ethnicity, and religion" (81).
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