The Socialization of Children from Infants to Citizens by Susan D. Witt, Ph.D.
Children learn at a very early age what it means to be a boy or a girl in our society. Through a myriad of activities, opportunities, encouragements, discouragements, suggestions, overt behaviors, covert behaviors, and various forms of guidance, children experience the process of gender role socialization. While it is difficult to find one definitive meaning for the term 'socialization', educators, sociologists, psychologists, and other social scientists have offered various interpretations of what socialization is. Chafetz describes socialization as "the process by which an individual becomes a creature of society" (1978, p. 66). "The process whereby the individual is converted into the person" is the view taken by Hargreaves & Colley (1986, p. 27). Another researcher has discussed socialization in terms of its objectives. These broad objectives include the development of skills necessary for effective participation in society, and motivation to participate in society (Nock, 1987).
Zigler & Child define socialization as "the whole process by which an individual develops through transaction with other people, his specific patterns of socially relevant behavior and experiences" (1969, p. 474). Yet another social scientist has called socialization "the processes by which individuals selectively acquire the skills, knowledge, attitudes, values and motives current in the group of which they are or will become members" (Sewell, 1970, p. 566). This latter view of socialization brings up the question of how our culture has evolved and changed over several decades. Should children in the 1990s be socialized the same way children were socialized in the 1950s, and are they being socialized appropriately and equitably? It is important to look at the means and processes used to socialize children for their roles in society.
Theories of Socialization
Several theories of socialization are examined in order to offer an
understanding of how this process is accomplished for children. Because
one of the primary outcomes of socialization is the learning of appropriategender
roles, gender role development are included in the discussion of these
theories. The theories of socialization discussed are social learning theory,
cognitive developmental theory, gender schema theory, and Mead's (1934)
and Cooley's (1909) ideas regarding the 'generalized other' and 'looking
glass self', which contributed to symbolic interaction theory. In order
to have a clear, coherent picture of how these ideas compare with each
other and how they fit into generally accepted ideas about the socialization
of children, discussion of the theories centers on five areas of evaluation:
Social Learning Theory
According to social learning theory, the child learns which behaviors
to use through reinforcement and modeling (Golombok & Fivush, 1994).
This reinforcement and modeling is acquired first through parents who give
the child his or her initial social position. The family is the child's
first reference group and as such, much of what the child learns is filtered
by the parents (Nock, 1987). In addition, friends, teachers and the media
also play a part in acting as role models and reinforcing acceptable behavior
(Beal, 1994; Brophy, 1977; Maccoby & Jacklin, 1974). Here a child's
behavior is shaped by the way behaviors are reinforced. Parents begin this
process by typically encouraging sons to be more independent, competitive
and achieving than they do daughters (Lamb, 1986; Block, 1979). Parents
also encourage daughters to be more passive and to seek protection (Chafetz,
1978).
In Maccoby & Jacklin's (1974) review of early studies on parental reinforcement of their children, little evidence was found of differential reinforcement of boys and girls. Other researchers, however, have found that mothers and fathers interact differently with different sex children (Golombok & Fivush, 1994). Parents are more likely to dress their girl children to look decorative and to dress their boy children in more functional clothing (Shakin, Shakin & Sternglanz, 1985). Parents provide children with sex-typed toys and encourage sex-appropriate play activities while discouraging play activities that are deemed to be more appropriate for the opposite sex (Fagot & Leinbach, 1987; Huston, 1983; Snow, Maccoby & Jacklin, 1983; Rheingold & Cook, 1975). A recent study shows results similar to the findings of Maccoby & Jacklin (1974) regarding differential treatment of boys and girls by parents. While this research found few consistent differences between the treatment of boys and girls, one area in which there was marked difference was the encouragement of sex-typed activities (Lytton & Romney, 1991). It has also been suggested that when sex-specific toys are provided to children, the result is different play and problem-solving experiences for children. Because boys are given more opportunities to explore their world and engage in more physical activities than girls, girls necessarily experience a more restrictive world (Block, 1983).
The key components of social learning theory are reinforcement and modeling; children receive social rewards for engaging in the activities and behaviors that society deems appropriate for their gender. While role models are important for children to imitate, the absence of role models also has an effect on children. When girls see few other girls enrolled in higher math classes or boys see few boys enrolled in home economics or nursing classes, for example, they may be less likely to pursue those activities themselves (Beal, 1994). The nature of children within the social learning framework is as imitators of behavior. This necessarily puts children in the passive role of waiting for reinforcement of a behavior and learning by engaging in behaviors that are observed or reinforced. Research conducted on the relationship between children and aggression has shown that children will engage in aggressive behaviors after observing those behaviors - even without direct reinforcement (Bandura, 1977). This illustrates the importance of the modeling component of social learning theory; reinforcement may or may not occur, and behavior may still be imitated.
There have been differences shown in the reinforcement fathers and mothers give to sons and daughters. A study of parent-toddler interaction found that mothers responded more to daughters and fathers to sons, with fathers giving more emotional responses and mothers giving more instructions (Fagot & Leinbach, 1987). Another study found that mothers give more verbal stimulation to sons than to daughters (Weitzman, Birns & Friend, 1985). Even parents who strive to be egalitarian in their dealings with their children have been found to discourage certain non-traditional play behaviors more in one gender than the other. For example, parents are more likely to discourage their sons from playing with dolls than they are to discourage their daughters from playing with trucks (Weisner & Wilson-Mitchell, 1990). This behavior on the part of parents serves to model and reinforce stereotyped behaviors in children. As discussed above, the mechanisms for learning in social learning theory are reinforcement and modeling. While the modeled behaviors originate within the family from parents and siblings, once the child moves beyond the home arena, behaviors are also modeled to them by teachers, friends, and the media (Elkin & Handel, 1984). Children learn through observation of their culture and society how to fit in and manage their environment. According to social learning theory, children are motivated by their strong desire to be like those in theirworld (Beal, 1994; Hargreaves & Colley, 1986).
As in psychoanalytic theory, children want to identify with their same sex parent; when they imitate role models, it is because they have admiration for those role models (Beal, 1994). When children imitate what they see, they are either reinforced positively for behaving as society dictates, or negatively if they stray from the norm. For example, a boy who enrolls in a home economics course may feel uncomfortable if he is the only male in the class (Tavris & Wade, 1984). Similarly, when a young woman opts to become educated at an all-male institution of higher learning, she may be ostracized and considered an outsider because she 4-16 is taking on a role many in her environment consider inappropriate. Because children are conditioned through social learning to behave in societally prescribed ways if they want to get along in society, it is generally easier and more comfortable to simply accept those behaviors which society deems appropriate. In fact, it has been suggested that children even "overlearn" appropriate behavior. This overlearned behavior is called "automatic" or "nonthinking" behavior and refers to the fact that children learn something so well they do not even have to think about what they are doing; it just comes automatically (Langer, 1978). The desired outcome for children is that they imitate appropriate behaviors and become acceptable members of society.
These acceptable behaviors are rewarded with praise and encouragement. Behaviors which are deemed to be inappropriate or unacceptable are discouraged by society. This discouragement of certain behaviors and encouragement of others comes from those in society whom the child looks up to and admires - parents, peers, teachers, siblings. Through the influence of these role models, and the child's imitation of them, it is felt that the child acquires the means of dealing with the world effectively (Sewell, 1970).
Cognitive Developmental Theory
According to Piaget (1965), every behavior and thought occurs to enable
an individual to adapt to the environment in increasingly satisfactory
ways. A key component of cognitive developmental theory centers on how
children understand and categorize the world around them (Hargreaves &
Colley, 1986). While Piaget's work is dominant among cognitive theorists,
several other individuals have conducted research dealing with the cognitive
aspects of development (Serbin, Powlishta & Gulko, 1993; Martin &
Little, 1990; Bem, 1981; Kohlberg, 1966).
Basic to theories of cognitive development is the idea of schema, those organizations of thought through which children interpret and understand the world (Bem, 1981; Martin & Halverson, 1981). Schemas include knowledge about the various aspects of something - a behavior, an object, an expectation. A child goes off to kindergarten with some idea of what will happen there. This knowledge is based on input from a variety of sources - older brothers and sisters, a visit to the school, television programs, talks with parents, story books. All of these sources combine to create for the child a schema of what 'school' is. Once the child actually spends some time in the school, his or her schema for school will be altered through actual experience. This alteration of the child's old idea of school to the new idea of school occurs through assimilation and accommodation. The child uses the process of assimilation by interpreting new experiences and incorporating them into existing schemas. Accommodation is the process of modifying existing schemas to adapt to new information (Piaget & Inhelder, 1969).
A central concept of cognitive developmental theory is the categorization by the child of gender identity - whether he or she is a boy or a girl (Kohlberg, 1966). While the view of social learning theory is that the child takes on the appropriate sex role through rewards and punishments associated with sex-typed behaviors, cognitive developmental theory views the imitation and reinforcement of sex-typed behavior as being guided by an internalized sex role identity (Hargreaves & Colley, 1986). Within the framework of cognitive developmental theory, children are seen as active participants in their environment. As children try to make sense of their world, they actively construct ideas and hypotheses of how it all fits together (Golombok & Fivush, 1994). Cognitive developmental theorists agree that children view the world in qualitatively different ways at different ages and stages of development. For example, an 18-month-old child may call all furry animals 'kitty'. As the child becomes more sophisticated in his or her thinking, distinctions are made between kitties, doggies, bunnies. A child's understanding of the world is dependent upon the ability to process information, make inferences, reason logically, draw conclusions, and think abstractly (Golombok & Fivush, 1994).
-Piaget's theory of cognitive development suggests that children move through four stages of development between the time they are born and the time they reach adolescence (Piaget, 1968; Piaget, 1954). The first of these stages is the sensorimotor stage, which occurs between birth and eighteen months of age. During this stage the child learns primarily through the senses and the development of motor skills (Santrock, 1994; Kaplan, 1991). When infants are fed, held, cuddled, stroked, read to, given freedom to explore and exercise their curiosity, they are learning about their environment (Piaget & Inhelder,1969). During the sensorimotor stage, the child develops a sense of object permanence, the understanding that objects, people and events continue to exist even when they are not visible to the child (Kaplan, 1991).
The preoperational stage occurs between two and seven years of age and is considered to be the symbolic stage of development (Vander Zanden, 1981). During this stage children are becoming increasingly able to use symbols, primarily through language, to get along in their environment. A common characteristic of children in this stage is egocentrism which refers to the inability to put oneself in another's place (Kaplan, 1991; Piaget & Inhelder, 1969). Preoperational children see the world in a particular way and do not understand that there are other possible viewpoints. The child who is talking to dad on the telephone and responds to a question by nodding his or her head into the phone is exhibiting behavior common to the preoperational stage. During this stage pretend play is common, as is the inability to center on more than one dimension of a situation at a time (Piaget, 1968).
As children move beyond the preschool and early school years, they enter the concrete operational stage of development (seven to eleven years of age) This stage is the beginning of rational thought and activity in children (Vander Zanden, 1981). Children are able to understand conservation of mass, weight, liquid, number, volume, and area. Before this stage, for example, a child would not understand that a ball of clay when rolled out into a snake shape still has the same amount of clay in it (Santrock, 1994; Kaplan, 1991). During the concrete operational stage, the child no longer has difficulty with this type of activity (Piaget & Inhelder, 1969). Once children reach the beginning of adolescence, they move into the stage of formal operations. At this time they are capable of abstract thought and logical reasoning. There is the ability to take the point of view of others and understand that many situations in life are not black or white, right or wrong. Youngsters in this stage are able to develop hypotheses and test those hypotheses (Piaget, 1954). The mechanism for learning within cognitive developmental theory is through interactions with the environment. The child learns through assimilation and accommodation of information (Piaget, 1968; Piaget, 1954).
Motivation for the child comes through the need to interact with the environment in a satisfactory way (Piaget, 1965). The excitement children feel and the understanding they gain as they move through the stages discussed above are strong motivations for learning. Through positive interactions with the environment, increased knowledge about the environment, and feelings of understanding about how they fit into the environment, children are reinforced for learning. Regarding gender role identity, children learn early in life that they are categorized as either 'boy' or 'girl'. This cognitive understanding is different at each stage of development, but, once established, helps determine the way that objects and behaviors are evaluated by the child (Lewis & Rosenblum, 1975).
An interesting distinction has been made between social learning theory and cognitive developmental theory regarding gender role identity. It is suggested that social learning theorists view sex typing as a result of the degree of identification with the same sex parent, but that cognitive developmental theorists see sex typing as the cause of that identification (Kohlberg, 1966). Piaget determined that children move through the cognitive developmental stages in invariant order. A child will not develop the ability to think abstractly, for example, before he or she has moved through the concrete operational stage. The desired outcome for children within the cognitive developmental framework is to develop ever more sophisticated ways of thinking about the world, thus leading to a feeling of satisfaction and comfort within that world (Piaget, 1965). When children are given opportunities to learn and engage in a variety of activities, they will assimilate and accommodate information, thus leading to a new and broader understanding of their environment and their place in that environment (Piaget & Inhelder, 1969). 4-19
Looking Glass Self, Generalized Other, and Symbolic Interaction Theory
Symbolic interaction theory is heavily influenced by the ideas of two
early social scientists, Charles H. Cooley and George Herbert Mead. The
premise underlying symbolic interaction theory is that individuals develop
personality through interaction with others and by using meaningful symbols
to help define themselves (Cooley, 1909). The idea of the 'looking glass
self' is that children determine who they are based on how they imagine
others see them and their positive or negative reactions to those imaginings
(Cooley, 1909). Inherent in symbolic interaction theory is the belief that
the child does not develop a self concept until he or she has acquired
the concept of others (Handel, 1988). Akin to the ideas of Cooley are those
of Mead regarding the 'generalized other'.
Mead suggests that socialization occurs through a maturational process. Through interaction with others, individuals pass through three stages of social and personality development. As children move through these stages, they go from being the center of the universe toward understanding others' rights and expectations. The three stages that Mead refers to are:
When children interact with a parent, friend, teacher, they use imagination to put themselves in the other's role. In doing so, children initially learn to view themselves from the point of view of a particular person. Eventually, as children come to understand how social relationships operate, they begin to see themselves from the standpoint of the generalized other, and understand the expectations that society has of them (Vander Zanden, 1981). 4-20
As in cognitive developmental theory, symbolic interactionists view children as active participants in the socialization process. In human interaction, children construct their actions by fitting them to those of the other person. It is necessary for children to use imagination in order to take the other person's point of view (Vander Zanden, 1981). Through role playing, children learn the give and take, compromise, adjustment, and reciprocity that helps lead to a sense of self. As children understand the role of language - that words stand for things, that actions and objects exist and have meaning because they can be described through the use of words - they recognize the importance that symbols have in allowing individuals to act in distinctively human ways (Ritzer, 1983).
As children move through the stages that Mead describes (egocentric, play, game), they come to understand that symbols have specific functions for the individual (Charon, 1979). The functions of symbols have been described as follows: - Symbols allow people to name, categorize and remember objects encountered in the world. - Symbols improve the ability to perceive the environment. - Symbols improve the ability to think. - Symbols increase the ability to solve problems. - Symbols allow imagination to be exercised. - Symbols help us to understand abstractions. - Symbols allow people to be active rather than passive (Ritzer, 1983, p. 309).
The mechanism for learning is those interactions children engage in as they develop a sense of how society works and come to understand their place in it. Viewing oneself through the eyes of significant others and being able to understand and take on the role of others is Mead's view of the socialization of children. The use of commonly understood symbols gives the child a sense of belonging within society. Society is, in fact, the collective shared meaning of the rules by which we interact. In theframework of symbolic interaction theory, socialization occurs through the exchange of those shared rules and symbols. Motivation and reinforcement come to children through the praise and encouragement they receive as they adhere to socially approved behaviors. Children experience satisfaction through those role playing activities which they have seen and internalized from those around them (Vander Zanden, 1981).
As children develop cognitively, they are able to generalize other behaviors which are related to ones already learned. him, would also comfort Paul. The desired outcome for the individual within this theoretical framework is having a sense of self and an understanding of one's place in society. At a very young age, children have an egocentric view of the world - they are the center of the universe (Piaget & Inhelder, 1969). As they grow and develop, they are able to emulate the roles 4-21 of others and thus learn the rules for behavior and get a sense of how others see them. With the maturing process, children become more able to think abstractly and can internalize appropriate attitudes and behaviors as determined by the society in which they live. The self concept of the child is determined through those interactions with significant others. The process of developing a sense of self through socialization is viewed by Mead as:
Gender Schema Theory theory offers an information processing approach to socialization in that the theory describes and explains the child's developing content and organization of gender knowledge (Bem, 1981). The term schema refers to the internal conceptual framework that individuals develop as a result of new information being assimilated into past experience (Golombok & Fivush, 1994). Gender schema theory is a theory of process, not content; it is suggested that children process and regulate their behavior according to society's definitions of what is masculine and what is feminine (Bem, 1983). This emphasis on the process of coding new information in terms of gender roles leads to a network of associations that forms a fundamental part of the individual's conceptual framework. Supporters of gender schema theory suggest that the child's self concept becomes organized around the degree to which the self is perceived as being in agreement with gender schema (Bem, 1983).
A basic assumption of gender schema theory is that gender knowledge is multidimensional, with children believing that there are behaviors, attitudes, characteristics, and occupations which are gender related (Martin, 1993; Huston, 1983). These beliefs are internalized by children and become a part of their socialization into adult roles. Within gender schema theory, consistent with cognitive developmental theory, children are seen as active participants in the socialization process. As children move through childhood, they increase their knowledge about gender (Leahy & Shirk, 1984). Children exhibit differential knowledge about gender and recognize that the world is divided into male and female as early as two years of age (Bauer, 1993; Fagot & Leinbach, 1993). Preschool children in particular, have been shown to 4-22 rely heavily on gender labeling (Martin, Wood, & Little, 1990). As children grow older they have more knowledge about gender roles and are more likely to make inferences about gender behavior and attitudes based on little information (Golombok & Fivush, 1994). Some studies have shown that children become more flexible in their gender differentiations as they get older (Signorella, Bigler, & Liben, 1993; Serbin & Sprafkin, 1986).
Other research, however, has indicated thatchildren reinforce gender differentiations and stereotypesthroughout childhood (Silvern & Katz, 1986). For some children gender is an important way of organizing their environment and thinking about the world. These children are very concerned with what behaviors are appropriate or inappropriate based on gender (Levy & Carter, 1989).
In accordance with the ideas of social learning theory and those of Cooley and Mead regarding the looking glass self and the generalized other, gender schema theory views gender typed behavior as being guided by the child's anticipation of the responses of others (Bussey & Bandura, 1992). Thus, motivation for the child comes through the desire to do what is culturally and societally correct.
Culture defines what is appropriate for males and females; gender schema theory suggests that children learn gender stereotyping through the sex-differentiated practices of the social community (Bem, 1983). The child learns to encode and organize information based on society's definition of maleness and femaleness. This encoding and organizing occurs because of gender schematic processing and results in sex typing, the knowledge that certain attitudes and behaviors are either masculine or feminine (Bem, 1983; Bem, 1975). Children learn which attributes are linked to their gender and thus learn that when defining themselves they can only use thosetraits that have been classified as being specifically appropriate to either boys or girls (Golombok & Fivush, 1994). Children learn to evaluate their own abilities and adequacies (or inadequacies) according to gender schema. Gender schema sets up the standard of gender-appropriate behavior for the child (Bem, 1981). This standard is a factor that contributes to the child's self concept (Kagan, 1964). It has also been proposed that children observe how frequently each sex performs certain behaviors in various situations. They then determine which behaviors are appropriate for males or females based on their observations and add this information to their schema for gender (Perry & Bussey, 1979).
Children are motivated to behave in a particular way in order to negotiate their environment comfortably (Piaget, 1954). When children adopt the attitudes and behaviors of the society they inhabit, they are rewarded with a sense of belonging. Children who do not adopt the norms of their culture often have a sense of discomfort or dissatisfaction with the environment. When children are 4-23 reinforced for adhering to socially appropriate roles for males and females, they are motivated to continue behaving in gender differentiated or gender stereotyped ways. By matching their attitudes, behaviors, preferences, etc. to what they have learned about being a boy or girl, they showthat they have internalized the prevailing view of what is appropriate for their gender (Bem, 1983). This reinforcement of the child's gender schema encourages the child to continue to differentiate roles by gender because the child lives in a world which is differentiated by male and female.
For children, individuality or following the beat of a different drummer is often less important than adhering to those gender roles which have been determined acceptable for each gender by the society in which they live. As stated earlier, one view of socialization is simply that the child becomes a creature of society (Chafetz, 1978). One researcher has suggested that society teaches children two things about gender, the first being the extensive network of sex-related associations that can serve as a cognitive schema. This would include any of the gender distinctions that a child is apt to come across during the course of childhood. In addition, society teaches that being male or female has extensive and intensive relevance to virtually every aspect of life (Bem, 1981, p. 362).
Those who have studied gender schema theory and are concerned that divisions along gender lines are negative for children suggest that society would be a better place if children were raised to be aschematic (Bem, 1983; Bem, 1981). Children who develop a gender schema based on the norms of a gender differentiated society and who see those gender differentiations reinforced are more likely to engage in gender stereotyped behaviors (Ashton, 1983). Thus the outcome for children within the gender schema theoretical framework is that children will recognize certain attitudes and behaviors as being gender related and will perpetuate gender stereotyped roles because society is structured that way. While each theory takes a different path in explaining the socialization of children, there are some similarities between the theories. For example, cognitive developmental theories is a stage theory, with children completing one stage of development before moving on to the next.
Social learning, symbolic interaction and gender schema theories offer the view that development is a continuous process, with information constantly being made available to children, who are steadily internalizing and making the information fit into their growing body of knowledge. Children are seen as active participants in the socialization process within cognitive developmental and gender schema theories. Because children construct knowledge, building on previously understood schemas, they have an active role in their own development.
Gender schema theory also has elements of social learning because children are observing gender related behaviors and imitating them, trying them on for size, so to speak. Symbolic interaction theory focuses on the learning of language and other symbols commonly used in society and developing a sense of self and a sense of 4-24 how to get along in society based on these symbols. Children determine their self concept by passively accepting the view of others (looking glass self) and also by taking the role of others (generalized other). This indicates that children are both passive receptors of their culture, and also active participants in their socialization. The view of children as receivers of environmental stimuli rather than creators of knowledge is the perspective of psychoanalytic theory (Hall, 1982). Social learning theory describes children in a passive way - as observers and imitators of behavior (Beal, 1994; Hargreaves & Colley, 1986; Bandura, 1977). This would indicate that children act as receivers of information in order to come to understand their place in the society in which they live. However, as children are observing and imitating behaviors, attitudes, preferences, etc., they are also interpreting and making judgments about them, indicating an active involvement in learning.
Motivation and reinforcement within all four theories occurs through the need children have fordeveloping a sense of self and a sense of belonging within their environment. They learn that they can be a force in the universe - and they like it! In all the theories discussed, suggestions and reinforcement for socially approved behaviors comes from family, friends, the media, and school. Whether or not those socially approved behaviors and attitudes are beneficial for both males and females across the lifespan is sometimes raised as a question of concern, and leads to the question of whether an androgynous gender role orientation might be more salient for individuals in today's society. Influences on Gender Role Socialization Influences on gender role socialization include parents, friends, the media (primarily television), and school.
Gender role socialization, which almost always includes some degree of gender role stereotyping, begins at birth. As children grow and develop, the gender stereotypes they are exposed to at home are reinforced by other things in their environment and are thus perpetuated throughout childhood (Martin, Wood, & Little, 1990). The child's burgeoning sense of self, or self concept, is a result of the multitude of ideas, attitudes, behaviors, and beliefs that he or she is exposed to. The information that surrounds the child and which the child internalizes comesto the child within the family arena through parent-child interactions, role modeling, reinforcement for desired behavior, and parental approval or disapproval (Santrock, 1994). As children move into the larger world of friends and school, many of their ideas and beliefs are reinforced by those around them. A further reinforcement of acceptable and appropriate behavior is shown to children through the media. Through all these socialization agents, children learn gender stereotyped behavior.
As children develop, these gender stereotypes become firmly entrenchedbeliefs. It has been suggested that children develop gender stereotypes in three stages:
Parental Influence
A child's earliest exposure to what it means to be male or female comes
from parents (Lauer & Lauer, 1994; Santrock, 1994; Kaplan, 1991). From
the time their children are babies, parents treat sons and daughters differently,
dressing infants in gender specific colors, giving gender differentiated
toys and expecting different behavior from boys and girls (Thorne, 1993).
One study indicates that parents have differential expectations of sons
and daughters as early as 24 hours after birth (Rubin, Provenzano, &
Luria, 1974). Children internalize parental messages regardinggender at
an early age, with awareness of adult sex role differences being found
in two-year-old children (Weinraub, Clemens, Sachloff, Ethridge, Gracely
& Myers, 1984). One study found that children at two and a half years
of age use gender stereotypes in negotiating their world and are likely
to generalize gender stereotypes to a variety of activities, objects, and
occupations (Fagot, Leinbach, & O'Boyle, 1992; Cowan & Hoffman,
1986). Children even deny the reality of what they are seeing when it doesn't
conform to 4-26 their gender expectation (i.e., a child whose mother is
a doctor stating that only men can be doctors) (Sheldon, 1990). Sons have
a definite edge as far as parental preference for children is concerned.
According to Steinbacher & Holmes, most parents prefer male children
to female children throughout the world (cited in Basow, 1992). Also, people
who prefer sons are more likely to use technology for selecting the sex
of their child (Steinbacher & Gilroy, 1990). This preference for male
children is further emphasized by the finding that parents are more likely
to continue having children if they have only girls than if they have only
boys (Hoffman, 1977). Reasons given by women for their preference for sons
are to please their husbands, to carry on the family name, and to give
a companion to the husband. Reasons for wanting daughters include having
a companion for themselves and to have fun dressing a girl and doing her
hair (Hoffman, 1977).
Parents encourage their sons and daughters to participate in sex-typed activities, including doll playing and engaging in housekeeping activities for girls and playing with trucks and engaging in sports activities for boys (Eccles, Jacobs & Harold, 1990). Children's toy preferences have been found to be significantly related to parental sex-typing (Etaugh & Liss, 1992; Henshaw, Kelly, & Gratton, 1992; Paretti & Sydney, 1984), with parents providing gender-differentiated toys and rewarding behavior that is gender stereotyped (Carter, 1987). While both mothers and fathers contribute to the gender stereotyping of their children, fathers have been found to reinforce gender stereotypes more often than mothers (Ruble, 1988).
A study of children's rooms has shown that girls' rooms have more pink, dolls, and manipulative toys; boys' rooms have more blue, sports equipment, tools and vehicles (Pomerleau, Bolduc, Malcuit & Cossette, 1990). Boys are more likely than girls to have maintenance chores around the house, such as painting, and mowing the lawn, while girls are likely to have domestic chores such as cooking and doing the laundry (Basow, 1992). This assignment of household tasks by gender leads children to link certain types of work with gender. Some studies have suggested that parent shaping as a socializing factor has little impact on a child's sex role development (Lytton & Romney, 1991; Maccoby & Jacklin, 1980). Other research suggests that parents are the primary influence on gender role development during the early years of life (Santrock, 1994; Kaplan, 1991). Because socialization is a two-way interaction, each person in the interaction influences the other (Lewis & Rosenblum, 1974); thus, parents and children engage in reciprocal interaction, with children both responding to behaviors and eliciting behaviors (Kaplan, 1991). Also, development is influenced by many social factors and children may be best understood in terms of their environment (Bronfenbrenner, Alvarez, & Henderson, 1984).
Many studies have shown that parents treat sons and daughters differently (Jacklin, DiPietro & Maccoby; Woolett, White & Lyon; and Parke & O'Leary in Hargreaves & Colley, 1986; Snow, Jacklin & Maccoby, 1983; Power, 1981). The parent-child relationship has effects on development that last well into adulthood. Because of these long-lasting effects, the parent-child relationship is one of the most important developmental factors for the child, as stated by Miller & Lane (cited in Berryman-Fink, Ballard-Reisch, & Newman, 1993). Parental attitudes towards their children have a strong impact on the child's developing sense of self and self-esteem, with parental warmth and support being key factors for the child (Richards, Gitelson, Petersen & Hartig, 1991). Often, parents give subtle messages regarding gender and what is acceptable for each gender - messages that are internalized by the developing child (Arliss, 1991). Sex role stereotypes are well established in early childhood. Messages about what is appropriate based on gender are so strong that even when children are exposed to different attitudes and experiences, they willrevert to stereotyped choices (Haslett, Geis, & Carter, 1992). Children who have parents with strong egalitarian values tend to be more knowledgeable about nonsex-typed objects and occupations than other children (Weisner & Wilson-Mitchell, 1990). Children whose mothers work outside the home are not as traditional in sex role orientation as children whose mothers stay home (Weinraub, Jaeger & Hoffman, 1988). In fact, preschool children whose mothers work outside the home experience the world with a sense that everyone in the family gets to become a member of the outside world, and their sense of self includes the knowledge that they have the ability to make choices which are not hindered by gender (Davies & Banks, 1992).
Families with one or more androgynous parent (i.e., a mom who repairs the family car or a dad who bakes cookies for the PTA meeting) have been found to be highest on scores of parental warmth and support. These androgynous parents are found to be highly encouraging regarding achievement and developing a sense of self worth in sons and daughters (Sedney, 1987; Spence & Helmreich, 1980). Boys and girls have different styles of play and interaction from one another. Boys choose more rough and tumble play and competitive activities than girls. Girlsstate that they don't enjoy this type of play, while boys state that they find girls' style of play boring (Lundgren & Cassedy in Berryman-Fink, et al, 1993; Maccoby, 1988). Often, girls and their activities are seen as inferior to boys and their activities. One study of elementary school students found that children in the second grade perceive girls to be inferior to boys with this belief being even stronger by the time students are in the sixth grade (Safir, Hertz-Lazarowitz, BenTsvi-Mayer, & Kupermintz, 1992).
Another study posed this essay question to fourth grade students: "How would your life change if you were the other sex?" Girls wrote essays about having adventures and achieving 4-28 greatness, but many boys were not even able to answer the question. One boy wrote that if he were a girl, he would kill himself (Sandler in Feder-Feitel, 1994). This is a disturbing and saddening commentary on gender bias and the socialization of children. The skills and abilities children learn from friends are different for boys and girls. In peer interactions, boys learn to negotiate conflict and be a "team player" - one of the guys. Girls are more likely to communicate one-on-one and learn the skill of listening (Tannen, 1990; Lever, 1976). It is suggested that boys and girls use language in different ways, with males using language to preserve independence and maintain ahierarchical social order and girls using language to establish rapport (Tannen, 1990). Boys initiate more conflicts than girls and are more likely to solve those conflicts with physical aggression or threats (Miller, Donahar & Forbes, 1980). Children tend to not like aggressive girls, and girls are likely to be shunned when acting aggressively (Fagot & Leinbach, 1983). Feedback from friends on gender appropriate behaviors and attitudes is important to children, and children seek out same sex friends because of their need to establish gender identity (Beal, 1994). Paley states that boys are quick to take opportunities to distinguish themselves from girls (cited in Beal, 1994). The male peer group defines what is not male at an early age and those behaviors are discouraged or not used (Fagot, 1985).
There appear to be differences in the ways that boys and girls approach friendship. Boys seem to need to establish status with a group of buddies; girls are more likely to create intimate friendships with one or two close friends (Beal, 1994). Boys also appear to be more sensitive than females to peer feedback on what constitutes appropriate masculine activities (Fagot & Leinbach, 1983). Within their same sex playgroups, children punish those who deviate from gender appropriate activities, by making critical remarks or ignoring the friend (Beal, 1994; McAuliffe, 1994). While it is suggested that children become less rigid in their gender stereotyping as they mature (Huston, 1983), it has also been found that, as they move through childhood, boys have an increased preference for male stereotyped activities. Girls have not been found to have the same preference for female stereotyped activities (Carter & Patterson, 1982).
It is more acceptable among children's peer groups for girls to be "tomboys" than it is for boys to be "sissies" (Kaplan, 1991). This seems to indicate that masculine behaviors are valued more highly by children. Because masculine behaviors are indicators of higher self esteem in children than feminine behaviors, this may indicate that the cultivation of an androgynous orientationmay be particularly beneficial for girls (Bem, 1981). 4-29 Because peer groups have a strong influence on the gender role socialization of children, and because gender stereotypes are reinforced by parents, school and the media, children often grow up with a sense of self that is based on outdated or unrealistic ideas of what it is to be male or female. A child's friendships are important contributors to the development of self concept. When those friendships require adherence to strict gender stereotypes, they are limiting to children and perpetuate unfairness to some children.
Similarly, expecting females to limit their experience to that which arises out of being nurturant, dependent, self-effacing, and weak is unfair and does not allow for expression of characteristics which are not typically feminine. While it is easier for parents to "go with the flow" and continue to raise children to fit into a gender stereotyped society, research indicates that it may be more beneficial for children to be raised to be androgynous (Burchardt & Serbin, 1982).
Classifying oneself as androgynous has been found to have positive effects for both boys and girls, and androgynous persons have been found to have higher self-esteem than masculine sex-typed persons (Alpert-Gillis & Connell, 1989; Hall & Halberstadt, 1980). Both androgynous males and androgynous females have been found to rate themselves highly on self-esteem scales and describe themselves using the same characteristics, thus negating the idea that only masculinity is indicative of higher self-esteem (Lundy & Rosenberg, 1987).
Some research has indicated that an androgynous gender role orientation may be more beneficial for females than males. For example, androgynous and masculine sex-typed individuals have been found to have higher self-esteem, higher levels of psychosocial development, and more stable personalities than feminine sex-typed individuals (Burchardt & Serbin, 1982; Markstrom-Adams, 1989). Instrumental traits are found to be an important factor in a person's well-being (Basow, 1992), and androgyny is associated with high levels of identity achievement, which is typically encouraged more for males than females (Orlofsky, 1977). When androgynous individuals are tested on measures of adjustment, strong instrumental characteristics lead to high scores for self-esteem (Baldwin, Critelli, Stevens, & Russell, 1986; Whitley, 1983). This indication that an androgynous orientation may be more salient for females than for males is supported by studies that have shown that androgyny is better indicator of high self-esteem and positive self concept for women (Shaw, 1983; Heilbrun, 1981; Bem, 1977).
Other research, however, suggests that individuals who can call upon a combination of traditional masculine and traditional feminine traits are more well-adjusted than those who cannot. Expressive-nurturant traits have been shown to be strongly related to intimacy levels for both sexes (Basow, 1992), and androgynous individuals have been found to be more flexible regarding dating and love relationships (DeLucia, 1987). Androgynous individuals tend to have more intimate relationships and receive more satisfaction from friendship than those with a traditional sex role orientation (Jones, Bloys, & Wood, 1990; Burda, Vaux, & Schill, 1984). Also, androgynous persons appear to be more satisfied with their personal relationships and are more willing to express loving feelings than sex-typed persons (Coleman & Ganong, 1985). Bryant & Verhoff (1982) have suggested three factors involved in psychological well-being - happiness or unhappiness, strain or lack of anxiety, and personal adequacy or inadequacy. Androgynous individuals exhibit psychological well-being through high self-esteem and high satisfaction with their relationships (Williams, 1985; Scher, 1984).
Research has shown that androgynous persons possess better coping skills, use a wider variety of defense mechanisms, and have high adaptability, thusleading to feelings of psychological health and well-being (Brems, 1990; Brooks, Morgan, & Scherer, 1990). Young girls have been shown to suffer a pronounced lowering of self-esteem at puberty, in part because they recognize that high status traits are masculine traits, and thus they develop a less positive attitude toward being girls (Brutsaert, 1990). This lowering of self-esteem would seem to have an impact on those factors involved in psychological well-being. Girls are more likely than boys to raise questions about their traditional role, and indicate that they at times find the traditional feminine role to be unfair and demeaning (Grant & Sleeter, 1988). One study reported that although girls rate themselves as possessing many more feminine characteristics than masculine, their ideal for themselves is just the opposite (Grimmell & Stern, 1992). Some studies have found that children become less gender stereotyped as they mature (Boldizar, 1991; Meyer, 1980); others have found that children are more gender stereotyped as they get older (Grant & Sleeter, 1988; Scott, 1986).
One researcher reported favorable responses to males in nontraditional roles at the 4th, 7th, and 11th grade levels, but also found that as children get older, their attitudes about who can and who should participate in particular jobs or activities are based on gender (Scott, 1986). Research on young children has indicated that up to the time that children develop gender constancy - the belief that gender doesn't change - they exhibit less gender stereotyped behaviors and attitudes (Frey & Ruble, 1992). Junior high school students have been shown to be more likely to support gender stereotypes than younger children (Grant & Sleeter, 1988). While findings regarding children's gender stereotyping are conflicting, an attempt to address the discrepancies is the suggestion that there is a decline in sex role stereotyping during middle childhood but an increase as children 4-38 near adolescence (Boldizar, 1991). Many studies indicate that children whose parents are egalitarian or androgynous are less likely to have gender stereotyped ideas. Parents who stress intellectual development in their daughters and warmth and nurturing for their sons are likely to have children who grow up to be androgynous (Kelly & Worrell, 1976). Children whose mothers work outside the home are less sex stereotyped than children whose mothers stay home (Carlson, 1990). A complaint of many adult males is a lack of expressiveness from their fathers. It has been suggested that for boys, it is important to have as role models fathers who are able to express emotional intimacy (Balswick, 1988).
Fathers who are emotionally expressive with sons are likely to have sons who are expressive (Balswick, 1988). Parents who wish to raise their children in a non-gender stereotyped way face difficulties because so many aspects of society are gender stereotyped with behaviors and attitudes differentiated by sex (Bem, 1983). Non-gender stereotyped behavior takes longer to develop in children than stereotypic behavior because the child has to learn, then unlearn, traditional behaviors (Sedney, 1987).